World
The United Kingdom has initiated a major step toward expanding its carrier aviation capabilities with the launch of “Project Vanquish”, an ambitious effort to acquire a new class of jet-powered Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) designed to operate alongside the F-35B Lightning II on the Royal Navy’s Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carriers. Revealed through a Request for Information (RFI) contract published on October 3, Project Vanquish outlines the Royal Navy’s requirement for an autonomous, multi-role, carrier-capable UAV that can support both combat and support missions. Key Requirements and Capabilities According to the RFI, the UAV must have unassisted Short Take-Off and Landing (STOL) capability from the Queen Elizabeth-class carriers, which lack catapults or arresting gear. This constraint demands a highly capable airframe capable of operating from short decks similar to the F-35B’s vertical landing system. The UAV is expected to be jet-powered, achieving high subsonic speeds, and must carry a credible payload with endurance suitable for long-duration missions. The aircraft will be multi-role, tasked to conduct Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR), strike, and even air-to-air refueling operations. An essential element of the design is its autonomous operation—the UAV must be able to function independently or in coordination with manned aircraft, expanding the air wing’s operational reach, flexibility, and persistence. Timeline and Development Goals Under Project Vanquish, interested defense manufacturers have until mid-November 2025 to submit their proposals. The Ministry of Defence plans to maintain a tight 18-month development timeline, targeting a demonstration flight from a Royal Navy carrier by the end of 2026. The program aims to accelerate manned-unmanned teaming (MUM-T) capabilities, enabling the Royal Navy to integrate UAVs with the existing F-35B fleet in the near term, rather than waiting for longer-term next-generation platforms. Global Context and Inspiration The Royal Navy’s initiative aligns with a broader international trend toward carrier-based unmanned operations. The United States Navy pioneered early efforts with Northrop Grumman’s X-47B in the early 2000s, followed by Boeing’s MQ-25 Stingray, which has since conducted successful carrier-based refueling tests. Similarly, Turkey has pursued its own carrier-borne UAV program with the Bayraktar Kızılelma operating from the TCG Anadolu, marking a growing shift toward integrated unmanned carrier aviation across multiple nations. Operational Challenges and Future Outlook Operating fast, heavy UAVs from the Royal Navy’s ski-jump-equipped carriers presents unique challenges. Without arrestor gear or catapult systems, aircraft must rely on short or vertical takeoff and landing techniques, a constraint that heavily influences UAV design. Recent tests—such as the launch of a Mojave UAV from HMS Prince of Wales—demonstrated that drone operations from UK carriers are feasible, setting the stage for larger and more advanced systems. Project Vanquish represents a pragmatic step toward strengthening the UK’s naval aviation capabilities by introducing autonomous air systems that can complement and extend the effectiveness of manned platforms. If successful, it would mark a significant evolution in Royal Navy operations, positioning the United Kingdom among the few nations with operational carrier-based unmanned combat aircraft.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-11 10:19:55
World
L3Harris Technologies is advancing a Naval variant of its VAMPIRE Counter-Unmanned Aircraft System (C-UAS) to support the U.S. Navy’s requirement for cost-effective anti-drone capabilities. The system is being developed to enable ships and unmanned surface vessels to counter inexpensive, one-way attack drones without using high-value interceptors such as the Raytheon RIM-162 Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile (ESSM). The Naval VAMPIRE integrates a missile launcher pod and a WESCAM MX-series Electro-Optical/Infrared (EO/IR) sensor, providing ships with an affordable, modular, and easily deployable defense option. L3Harris has demonstrated concept renderings showing the system installed on Unmanned Surface Vessels (USVs), indicating potential deployment across both manned and unmanned naval platforms. Background and Development The Naval version builds on the VAMPIRE system first developed in 2022, originally created to meet U.S. defense requirements for supplying Ukraine with effective anti-drone solutions. L3Harris confirmed that work on the naval adaptation has been underway for some time, but recent attention has shifted back toward this variant as drone threats grow in maritime environments. Earlier internal efforts were focused on refining land-based variants requested by the U.S. Army. VAMPIRE System Overview The VAMPIRE (Vehicle-Agnostic Modular Palletized ISR Rocket Equipment) is a modular, rapidly deployable C-UAS platform designed to detect, track, and engage small airborne threats. The system’s main weapon is BAE Systems’ Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System (APKWS) — a guided version of the Hydra-70 (2.75-inch) rocket. The APKWS uses a laser guidance kit to transform unguided rockets into precision munitions, giving the VAMPIRE the ability to effectively engage aerial and moving targets at low cost. The core components of VAMPIRE include: APKWS missile launcher for precision engagement. WESCAM MX-series EO/IR sensor for passive detection and tracking. Integrated control station for operator interface and targeting. Vehicle-agnostic mounting system, allowing rapid installation on various platforms, including trucks, tactical vehicles, and now naval vessels. Planned Upgrades and Enhancements L3Harris has announced several ongoing upgrades to enhance VAMPIRE’s capabilities: Radar integration for improved target detection and tracking. Kinetic add-ons, including machine guns for close-in defense. Non-kinetic systems, such as electronic warfare (EW) jammers for disrupting hostile drone communications. Artificial Intelligence integration to expand detection range, automate threat classification, and improve operator reaction time. Additionally, L3Harris has opened a production facility in Huntsville, Alabama, enabling output of 20–40 systems per month to meet growing domestic and international demand. Combat Record and Global Adoption The VAMPIRE system has been combat tested in Ukraine, where it has reportedly achieved a high success rate against drone and loitering munition threats. According to L3Harris, the system has neutralized hundreds of targets during its operational deployment. Partner nations allied with Ukraine have also procured the system or its subcomponents. To date, over 8,000 WESCAM sensors — a key element of the VAMPIRE system — have been delivered to global customers, underscoring its widespread adoption and production maturity. The Naval VAMPIRE represents L3Harris’s effort to extend its proven land-based C-UAS solution into the maritime domain. With drone activity increasingly affecting naval operations, the new variant aims to provide a scalable, cost-efficient defense layer for ships and autonomous vessels. As the U.S. Navy continues exploring methods to integrate affordable counter-drone systems, L3Harris’s Naval VAMPIRE is positioned to play a central role in defending against emerging unmanned threats at sea.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-11 10:09:10
U.S Air Force Plan to Create Independent Squadrons for Next-Generation Collaborative Combat Aircraft
World
The U.S. Air Force is moving forward with plans to establish independent squadrons for its next-generation Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) program. These unmanned aerial systems—often referred to as “loyal wingmen”—are designed to operate alongside manned fighter jets, providing additional capability without increasing risk to pilots. Unlike current drone units that support specific fighter wings, the new squadrons will be organized separately, giving the Air Force greater flexibility in how the systems are deployed and integrated across missions. Purpose and Capabilities The CCAs are built to perform a variety of roles, including precision strikes, reconnaissance, electronic warfare, and decoy missions. Their main objective is to support crewed aircraft such as the F-35 Lightning II and the upcoming F-47 fighter, expanding mission capacity and protecting pilots in contested airspaces. These aircraft are equipped with autonomous mission systems that can share data with human pilots and other assets in real time. They feature modular payload bays, allowing them to be quickly reconfigured for different mission types. The drones are expected to operate with high endurance, low radar visibility, and the ability to function independently or under pilot supervision. Program Leadership and Testing Development under the CCA program is being led by General Atomics Aeronautical Systems and Anduril Industries. General Atomics’ prototype, designated YFQ-42A, began flight testing in August 2025 after completing extensive ground trials. Anduril’s YFQ-44A is expected to make its first flight soon, following similar pre-flight evaluations. Both aircraft have been tested since May to validate their airworthiness, communications systems, and autonomous control features. Organizational Structure and Integration At a recent Senate Armed Services Committee hearing, Gen. Kenneth Wilsbach, the nominee for Air Force Chief of Staff, outlined the vision for CCA integration. He confirmed that the Air Force intends to form dedicated CCA squadrons rather than attaching them to existing fighter units. Wilsbach also indicated that the Air Force Reserve and Air National Guard could operate their own CCA units, supporting active-duty formations during joint missions. Bases such as Selfridge Air National Guard Base in Michigan—home to F-15EX fighters and KC-46A refueling aircraft—have been mentioned as potential locations for future deployments. To ensure operational readiness, the Air Force plans to establish a readiness and training unit at Beale Air Force Base in California, which will focus on pilot-drone coordination, mission planning, and maintenance procedures. Broader Impact Michigan Senator Gary Peters described the program as “critically important and transformative for the Air Force,” emphasizing its role in improving operational reach and reducing risks to manned platforms. He also highlighted how integrating CCAs into National Guard operations could enhance domestic and overseas mission readiness. Gen. Wilsbach characterized the program as a “force multiplier”, enabling the Air Force to undertake more missions efficiently while maintaining lower personnel and operational costs. With continued testing and organizational development underway, the Collaborative Combat Aircraft program represents a significant step toward expanding the U.S. Air Force’s use of autonomous and semi-autonomous systems in future air operations.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-11 10:00:58
India
The Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) has initiated the establishment of an Advanced Iron Bird Test Facility dedicated to the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) program. This initiative represents a significant step toward strengthening India’s indigenous aerospace testing infrastructure and ensuring the smooth progress of its fifth-generation fighter project. The facility will serve as a comprehensive ground-based testing platform, replicating the aircraft’s critical subsystems to simulate real-world operational flight conditions. It will enable the ADA to rigorously test and validate key onboard systems—such as flight controls, avionics, and hydraulic mechanisms—long before they are installed on the prototype aircraft. This process is crucial for detecting and resolving system integration issues early, ensuring safer and more efficient flight trials later in the program. An Iron Bird facility is essentially a full-scale, non-flying replica of an aircraft’s mechanical and electronic architecture. It brings together all major subsystems—flight control computers, actuators, hydraulics, electrical systems, and avionics—on the ground in a controlled laboratory environment. Engineers use this setup to test how these systems interact with each other, evaluate failure modes, and fine-tune control laws. The data gathered from these simulations allows for more accurate predictions of in-flight performance and reliability, significantly reducing risks during the flight-testing phase. What makes this facility particularly special is its integration of hardware-in-the-loop (HIL) technology. This allows real aircraft components—such as flight control computers or sensors—to interact with simulated flight conditions in real time. In practice, it means engineers can simulate a wide range of flight scenarios, from turbulence and high-G maneuvers to potential system faults, without leaving the ground. Hydraulic systems powered by variable-speed electric motors will replicate real aircraft loads, providing engineers with valuable feedback on how the AMCA’s flight control systems perform under stress. According to reports, the Advanced Iron Bird Test Facility is expected to become fully operational within 30 months. This timeline aligns with the AMCA program’s development schedule, which includes prototype rollouts by late 2026 or early 2027, followed by the aircraft’s first flight targeted around 2028. Serial production is expected to begin by 2035, depending on the results of flight and systems testing. The new test infrastructure reflects ADA’s broader commitment to Atmanirbharta (self-reliance) in the field of aerospace and defence technology. By conducting extensive ground testing, ADA aims to minimize flight-test risks, shorten development cycles, and enhance the reliability of systems integrated into the AMCA. Such facilities are standard practice in advanced aerospace programs worldwide. For instance, the United States and European nations employ similar setups for fifth-generation aircraft like the F-35 Lightning II and the Eurofighter Typhoon, ensuring mature system performance before flight. The AMCA is designed as India’s first stealth multirole fighter, capable of air superiority, strike, and deep penetration missions. Its advanced avionics, fly-by-wire flight control system, and sensor fusion technologies demand high levels of system integration and precision. The Iron Bird facility will therefore play a central role in validating these complex technologies. By simulating the aircraft’s Integrated Flight Control System (IFCS), engineers can refine control algorithms, verify redundancy systems, and ensure fault tolerance before the first prototype takes off. Industry observers note that the Iron Bird facility will also strengthen India’s aerospace ecosystem by involving domestic companies in designing, building, and maintaining high-end test infrastructure. ADA’s recent Request for Proposals (RFP) indicates plans to collaborate with Indian industry partners for setting up the mechanical structure, hydraulic systems, and simulation hardware. This not only supports local industry growth but also lays the groundwork for future indigenous aircraft development programs. The establishment of the Advanced Iron Bird Test Facility marks a crucial milestone in the AMCA’s journey from concept to reality. It provides India’s aerospace engineers with a modern, data-driven platform for verifying system performance, improving safety, and accelerating the certification process. Once operational, this facility will be instrumental in ensuring that the AMCA meets its ambitious performance targets and enters service with the Indian Air Force (IAF) on schedule. By combining rigorous ground-based testing with advanced simulation technologies, ADA is building a robust foundation for the successful realization of India’s fifth-generation fighter. The Iron Bird facility not only reduces development risk but also signifies a strategic investment in the future of indigenous aircraft design, testing, and certification.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-11 09:48:21
World
Pratt & Whitney has officially begun fabricating the XA103 prototype, marking a significant milestone in the U.S. Air Force’s Next Generation Adaptive Propulsion (NGAP) program. The XA103 is designed to be a cutting-edge adaptive cycle engine, incorporating advanced materials, fan systems, and control technologies to deliver superior performance across a range of flight conditions. Its development reflects the Air Force’s commitment to equipping future sixth-generation fighters with engines that provide unmatched thrust, fuel efficiency, and thermal management. The XA103 utilizes a three-stream adaptive cycle design, which allows the engine to dynamically adjust airflow paths between different streams depending on mission requirements. This adaptability ensures that the engine can operate efficiently during long-range patrols, maintain high performance during supersonic combat, and handle demanding thermal environments. To achieve this, Pratt & Whitney has integrated ceramic matrix composites (CMCs) and other advanced materials capable of withstanding higher operating temperatures. These enhancements not only improve durability and performance but also make the engine compatible with next-generation systems such as directed-energy weapons and advanced avionics. The XA103 faces competition from GE Aerospace, which is developing the XA102 for the same NGAP initiative. While both engines are based on adaptive cycle technology, each has its own strengths. The XA103 emphasizes advanced materials and fan control innovations, focusing on integration with future aircraft systems and resilience in extreme conditions. In contrast, the XA102 is designed to maximize range and thermal management, with GE leveraging model-based design and testing to refine performance. Both engines build on the expertise gained from adaptive engines previously developed for the F-35, demonstrating the maturation of this technology and its readiness for next-generation fighters. The introduction of the XA103 is expected to provide the Air Force with unprecedented flexibility in engine performance. Its ability to optimize thrust and fuel efficiency dynamically could result in longer mission ranges, higher sustained speeds, and enhanced combat survivability. The advanced control systems allow precise management of airflow and temperature, reducing wear and extending the operational lifespan of critical components. Strategically, the XA103 represents a key investment in maintaining U.S. air superiority. By advancing adaptive engine technology, the Air Force ensures that future fighters will be able to operate effectively in contested environments while integrating next-generation weapon systems. The development of XA103 also reflects broader trends in military propulsion, emphasizing efficiency, reliability, and adaptability in increasingly complex operational scenarios.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 17:09:26
India
India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) has completed the electrical and mechanical adaptation trials of the RudraM-III, a hypersonic air-to-ground missile with a range of 550 kilometers. This step advances India’s missile development program and enhances the ability to conduct long-range precision strikes against defended targets. What is Electrical and Mechanical Adaptation Trials Means Electrical and mechanical adaptation trials are a critical phase in integrating a missile with an aircraft or launch platform. During these trials, engineers test and verify that the missile’s electrical systems—such as wiring, power supply, avionics interface, and communication with the aircraft’s onboard computers—function correctly with the host platform. Simultaneously, the mechanical systems, including mounting points, release mechanisms, aerodynamics during carriage, and structural compatibility, are assessed to ensure the missile can be safely carried, launched, and operated without affecting the aircraft’s performance. These trials confirm that the missile and the platform work seamlessly together under operational conditions before full flight testing and deployment. The RudraM-III can reach speeds above Mach 5, supported by an advanced Solid Fuel Ducted Ramjet (SFDR) propulsion system that allows sustained high-speed flight with improved maneuverability. It is equipped with a dual-mode seeker for accurate targeting of critical assets such as radar installations and communication hubs. The missile also supports modular warhead options, enabling the Indian Air Force to adjust the payload according to mission requirements. The missile has been integrated with the Su-30MKI, India’s frontline multirole fighter aircraft. This integration allows the Su-30MKI to conduct Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses (SEAD) and long-range strike missions. The trials confirmed that the missile’s electrical and mechanical systems function properly with the aircraft, ensuring safe deployment during operations. The RudraM-III strengthens India’s strike capabilities by providing a combination of high speed, extended range, and precision targeting, making interception by enemy defenses more challenging. Once deployed, it will enhance the Indian Air Force’s ability to reach targets deeper within adversary territory. The completion of these trials demonstrates DRDO’s capability in hypersonic missile technology and marks an important step in India’s efforts to develop indigenous advanced weapon systems. With operational deployment planned, the RudraM-III will contribute to improving India’s aerial strike and defense capabilities.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 17:03:49
India
The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) is developing the Design Technologies for Futuristic Unmanned Fighter Aircraft (DT-FUFA) program to advance India’s capabilities in unmanned combat aircraft. The program focuses on creating a stealthy and autonomous fighter aircraft capable of operating in contested airspaces, performing strike missions, air defense, and coordination with manned fighters. In 2023, the program completed several milestones. The aircraft configuration was finalized, and the Preliminary Design Review (PDR) was completed. Wind tunnel models for most test configurations have been manufactured, and testing has begun to evaluate aerodynamic performance, stability, and flight characteristics. A key component of the program is the Integrated Flight Control Computer (IFCC). Developed with an industry partner, the IFCC is in an advanced stage of design and manufacturing and will provide autonomous flight control, mission management, and adaptive decision-making capabilities. It will ensure reliable operation during routine and complex flight scenarios. DRDO has issued a turn-key contract for the detailed design and manufacturing of the airframe, and industry partners have started detailed design work. This collaboration combines DRDO’s research capabilities with industry experience in aircraft production. The DT-FUFA is expected to include stealth-optimized airframe designs, possibly using a flying-wing or tailless configuration to reduce radar signature. It will likely feature internal weapons bays for precision-guided munitions and sensors, including electro-optical, infrared, and radar systems. The propulsion system is expected to be a high-efficiency turbofan engine designed for endurance, reliability, and reduced infrared signature. The aircraft is being designed for long-duration missions and the ability to operate at altitudes suitable for strike and surveillance. It will include networking capabilities to coordinate with manned aircraft and share sensor data, enabling collaborative operations. The DT-FUFA program builds on previous DRDO projects such as SWiFT (Stealth Wing Flying Testbed) and the Ghatak UCAV, which provided experience in flight dynamics, autonomous control, stealth shaping, and composite materials. The program faces technical challenges, including engine development, material durability, autonomous control system validation, and integration of sensors and weapons. Additionally, the development of ground infrastructure and supply chains for components is critical for long-term operation. The DT-FUFA program is part of India’s effort to develop indigenous unmanned fighter aircraft technologies. Prototype flights are expected in the coming years, with operational deployment planned for the 2030s. The program supports the development of autonomous flight systems, stealth technology, and advanced aircraft design capabilities.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 16:52:33
World
Los Angeles, October 9, 2025 — Epirus and General Dynamics Land Systems (GDLS) have introduced the Leonidas Autonomous Robotic (Leonidas AR), a new mobile counter-UAS system that combines Epirus’ Leonidas high-power microwave (HPM) weapon with GDLS’s Tracked Robot 10-ton (TRX) unmanned ground vehicle. The system integrates a robotic ground platform with electromagnetic defense technology to provide an effective, low-cost, and low-collateral solution for countering unmanned aerial systems (UAS) and drone swarms in both static and moving operations. Mobile Counter-UAS and Air Defense Capability The Leonidas AR operates on GDLS’s TRX platform, which powers the HPM system developed by Epirus. The system is designed for short-range air defense and non-kinetic engagement, allowing operators to disable multiple drones without the need for traditional munitions. “Epirus’ partnership with General Dynamics Land Systems continues to deliver practical solutions to meet modern battlefield needs,” said Andy Lowery, CEO of Epirus. “Together, we are developing capabilities that support the Army Transformation Initiative and strengthen the defense industrial base through collaboration between established and emerging technology companies.” Technology Behind Leonidas The Leonidas HPM platform is a modular and scalable system that uses Weaponized Electromagnetic Interference (WEMI) to disable electronic targets. It provides a “one-to-many” engagement capability, meaning one system can neutralize several drones at once. Leonidas is also software-defined, allowing operators to: Define safe zones and exclude specific frequencies to avoid unintended effects. Adjust waveforms and energy outputs to suit different operational needs. Update software and features without removing the system from service. This flexibility makes the platform adaptable to new types of electronic and aerial threats as they emerge. Features of the GDLS TRX Platform The GDLS TRX provides the mobility and endurance for Leonidas AR. It is designed with AI-based controls, hybrid-electric propulsion, and lightweight construction to ensure high mobility across various terrains. Its features include: All-terrain mobility with advanced suspension. Hybrid-electric engine providing more than 300 miles of range and speeds up to 45 mph. 360-degree radar and sensors for detection and navigation. Onboard computing systems for autonomous and remote operation. Crewless deployment to reduce personnel risk in high-threat environments. A wheeled version of the TRX is also under development to meet broader mission requirements. “By combining General Dynamics’ experience in ground combat systems with Epirus’ counter-UAS technology, we have created a capability aligned with today’s operational requirements,” said Jim Pasquarette, Vice President of U.S. Strategy & Business Development at GDLS. Continuing Partnership and Development The Leonidas AR is the second counter-UAS platform developed jointly by Epirus and GDLS. Their collaboration began in 2021, leading to the earlier release of Leonidas Stryker, which mounted the same HPM system on the U.S. Army’s Stryker vehicle. This ongoing cooperation combines the production scale of traditional defense manufacturers with the innovation of emerging technology firms, supporting rapid integration and deployment of modern defense systems. A full-scale Leonidas AR prototype will be showcased at Booth 7609 in Hall D/E during the Association of the U.S. Army’s Annual Meeting and Exposition in Washington, D.C. The system will be presented as part of the companies’ continued efforts to provide modern, mobile counter-UAS solutions for the U.S. military and allied partners.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 16:02:45
World
In a move that stirred diplomatic ripples across Europe, U.S. President Donald Trump suggested that Spain should be removed from NATO for failing to meet the alliance’s newly proposed defense spending target. Speaking from the Oval Office alongside Finnish President Alexander Stubb, Trump openly questioned Spain’s commitment to collective defense, describing the country as a “laggard” in fulfilling its military obligations. The controversy emerged after members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) agreed in June 2025 to increase defense spending to 5% of their GDP, a sharp rise from the previous 2% guideline established years earlier. This new benchmark was a central demand of Trump, who has repeatedly argued that European nations rely too heavily on U.S. military protection while underfunding their own defense systems. However, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez immediately pushed back against the proposal, declaring that the 5% target was “incompatible with our welfare state and our world vision.” Sánchez defended Spain’s approach, emphasizing that the country balances its social welfare priorities with its security responsibilities, and that Madrid already contributes to NATO missions and meets capability goals under existing arrangements. During his remarks, Trump pressed European leaders to hold Spain accountable, saying, “You people are gonna have to start speaking to Spain. You have to call them and find why are they a laggard.” He then escalated the rhetoric, adding, “Maybe you should throw ’em out of NATO, frankly.” The remark, though offhand, carries serious implications. Expelling a member from NATO is an extraordinary measure with no precedent in the alliance’s 75-year history. It would require unanimous consent among member states — a highly unlikely scenario given the alliance’s focus on unity amid ongoing tensions with Russia following the Ukraine war. In response, a Spanish government official reaffirmed Madrid’s position, stating that Spain remains a full member of NATO and continues to meet its agreed-upon capability targets “just as the United States does.” The official added that Spain’s commitment to collective defense “is unwavering and in line with the alliance’s core values.” Spain, which joined NATO in 1982, has played an active role in various alliance operations, including missions in Afghanistan, the Baltics, and the Mediterranean. Despite this, its defense spending — currently hovering around 1.3% of GDP — remains below both the old 2% benchmark and the newly proposed 5%. The 5% goal represents one of the most aggressive defense spending initiatives in NATO’s history. Trump has framed it as essential for ensuring that European nations take full responsibility for their defense and reduce dependency on U.S. military power. His administration argues that the rising costs of deterrence, especially against Russia and China, demand a “fair and proportionate contribution” from all members. Critics, however, warn that Trump’s approach risks undermining alliance cohesion at a time when NATO’s unity is critical. The suggestion of removing Spain — a founding member of the European Union and a major contributor to NATO’s southern flank — could fracture transatlantic solidarity and embolden adversaries who seek to exploit divisions within the alliance. European diplomats have so far sought to de-escalate the issue. Behind closed doors, some officials acknowledged that Spain’s economic structure and budget priorities make a 5% defense allocation unrealistic in the short term. Others noted that many NATO members are already struggling to reach the previous 2% target, making Trump’s demand politically and financially challenging. Despite the backlash, Trump’s remarks reflect a consistent theme of his foreign policy: burden-sharing and accountability. He has long criticized NATO allies for “freeloading off U.S. defense guarantees” and warned that future American support could depend on whether allies “pay their fair share.” As tensions simmer, NATO leaders are expected to revisit the spending debate in upcoming meetings. While Spain’s expulsion remains improbable, the confrontation has reignited questions about the alliance’s future direction and how far Trump’s administration is willing to go in reshaping transatlantic defense relationships. For now, Madrid appears determined to project calm and continuity, maintaining that it remains a steadfast partner within NATO — even as Washington’s tone grows more confrontational.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 15:52:11
World
Taliban has made it clear that it will not allow any foreign military presence on its soil, particularly at the Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan, once the largest U.S. military installation in the country. Speaking at a press conference in New Delhi on Friday, Afghan Foreign Minister Mawlawi Amir Khan Muttaqi stated that Afghanistan’s sovereignty is non-negotiable and that no foreign troops would ever be allowed back. “We have never accepted any military presence there, and we certainly never will. Afghanistan is a sovereign country, and it will remain so. If you want relations, you can engage through a diplomatic mission, but we do not accept anyone in military uniform,” Muttaqi said. He also stressed that Afghanistan has maintained its commitment to ensure that its territory is not used against other nations. “The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has proven in the last four years that Afghan soil will not be used to threaten others,” he added. Joint Regional Opposition to Military Deployment Earlier this week, a joint statement by India and other regional countries declared as “unacceptable” any attempts by nations to deploy their military infrastructure in Afghanistan or its neighboring states. The statement, issued after the 7th Moscow Format Consultations, urged external powers to respect the sovereignty and stability of the region and refrain from actions that could reignite instability. This collective stance highlights a rare consensus among Asian nations—including India, Russia, Iran, and China—that Afghanistan’s peace should not be disturbed by renewed foreign intervention. India’s Diplomatic Engagement and Humanitarian Gesture During his visit to New Delhi, Muttaqi held bilateral discussions with External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. India announced that it would upgrade its Kabul mission to a full embassy, marking a step toward formal diplomatic normalization after the embassy’s closure in 2021 following the Taliban’s takeover. As part of humanitarian support, Jaishankar handed over five ambulances to the Afghan delegation, a part of India’s larger gift of 20 ambulances and medical equipment. “This gesture reflects India’s long-standing support for the Afghan people,” Jaishankar noted. Muttaqi, expressing gratitude, said, “I appreciate the warm hospitality shown by the Indian government. Afghanistan seeks positive relations with all countries based on mutual respect and Islamic principles.” Why the U.S. Reportedly Wants to Return to Bagram According to several analysts, Washington’s reported interest in re-establishing access to Bagram Air Base stems from both strategic and symbolic motives. First, Bagram’s location gives the United States proximity to China’s western border, especially the Xinjiang region, and allows monitoring of strategic sites such as nuclear or missile facilities. For American defense planners, such a base could provide a valuable vantage point in the evolving U.S.–China rivalry. Second, Bagram had long served as a logistics hub for operations in Central and South Asia, providing quick access to Iran, Pakistan, and the broader Himalayan region. A return to Bagram could theoretically restore a U.S. foothold in a region where its presence has sharply declined since the 2021 withdrawal. Third, some experts believe that talk of returning to Bagram is more political than practical—a way to apply pressure on the Taliban government or signal U.S. strategic intent toward Beijing and Moscow without immediate military action. Regional Resistance and Strategic Barriers However, any plan for a U.S. return faces formidable obstacles. The Taliban government has flatly rejected foreign troops, calling such a move a direct violation of Afghan sovereignty. Neighboring countries, including Iran, China, Russia, and India, have all voiced opposition, arguing that renewed U.S. deployment would destabilize the region and create new security problems. Logistically, rebuilding the base would demand massive resources, advanced security measures, and local cooperation—all of which are currently unfeasible. Analysts warn that any such move could be viewed as a re-invasion and trigger strong regional backlash. Can Bagram Be Used to Target China? While some U.S. officials and commentators have hinted that control of Bagram could enable surveillance of Chinese territory, most defense experts argue this is strategically unrealistic. The distance to key Chinese military sites is significant, and operating aircraft or drones from Afghanistan would require overflight permissions, refueling arrangements, and extensive logistics—factors that make the idea highly impractical. Moreover, China has openly expressed concern over any attempt by the U.S. to re-enter Afghanistan militarily, viewing it as an act of encirclement. Beijing fears that an American foothold so close to its borders could become a source of intelligence gathering and strategic pressure. For now, the idea of the U.S. returning to Bagram Air Base appears politically untenable and strategically risky. The Taliban’s firm rejection, combined with regional opposition, makes it nearly impossible without major confrontation. Instead, the U.S. may rely on diplomatic, intelligence, or remote surveillance channels to maintain its regional influence. Afghanistan, meanwhile, is asserting its sovereignty, seeking recognition through diplomacy rather than conflict. India’s careful balancing—offering humanitarian aid while opposing foreign military presence—illustrates how the region prefers to move beyond decades of intervention and focus on stability through dialogue. In essence, Afghanistan’s message from New Delhi was unequivocal: its territory will not host foreign soldiers again, and its future will be shaped by regional cooperation—not by external military powers.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 15:45:37
World
Bangladesh is set to make one of its biggest military aviation purchases by acquiring 20 Chinese J-10CE multirole fighters under a $2.2 billion agreement with Beijing. The plan, finalized under the country’s Forces Goal 2030 modernization strategy, aims to replace its aging fleet and strengthen national air defense capabilities. The deal includes aircraft, training, spare parts, and maintenance support. Deliveries are expected to begin in 2026, with all 20 fighters scheduled to arrive by 2027. The Bangladesh Air Force (BAF) has been negotiating the deal since early 2024. Financial arrangements reportedly allow for payments in multiple phases, making the acquisition feasible under Bangladesh’s defense budget. The agreement also covers pilot and technician training in China, ground-based simulators, and the establishment of maintenance and logistics infrastructure in Bangladesh to ensure long-term operational independence. Bangladesh’s move toward the J-10CE follows growing concern over the declining safety and performance of its F-7 fleet. A fatal crash in July 2025 underscored the urgent need for modern aircraft, prompting faster approval of the procurement. The J-10CE, manufactured by Chengdu Aircraft Industry Group, is a 4.5-generation, single-engine, multirole fighter capable of air superiority and precision strike missions. It features an AESA radar, fly-by-wire controls, digital cockpit, and compatibility with PL-15 long-range and PL-10 short-range missiles. For Bangladesh, the aircraft represents a major technological leap, offering capabilities comparable to advanced regional fighters while remaining cost-effective. Currently, the Bangladesh Air Force operates approximately 44 fighter jets, including about 36 Chengdu F-7s and 8 MiG-29s. Most of these are decades old and require frequent maintenance. The introduction of the J-10CE will allow Bangladesh to begin phasing out obsolete aircraft and create a modern combat fleet. The $2.2 billion package reportedly includes: 20 J-10CE aircraft Pilot and ground crew training programs Advanced radar and missile systems Initial spare parts and technical support On-site maintenance and repair facilities China is expected to provide ongoing logistics and sustainment assistance, ensuring the fleet’s long-term readiness. The deal also carries strategic implications. It strengthens China-Bangladesh defense ties and increases Beijing’s influence in South Asia. For Dhaka, the acquisition demonstrates a commitment to maintaining airspace security and technological parity with neighbors such as Pakistan, which already operates the same model. However, the project will demand significant infrastructure investment, pilot retraining, and technical adaptation. Sustaining the J-10CE fleet will require a steady supply chain and adequate funding to cover operational costs. If deliveries proceed as scheduled, Bangladesh could field its first operational J-10CE squadron by late 2027, marking a new era for its air force. The purchase signals Dhaka’s determination to transform the BAF from a legacy fleet reliant on outdated fighters into a modern, multirole air power aligned with 21st-century defense needs.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 14:48:19
World
Jakarta, Indonesia – Indonesia has taken a significant step toward modernizing its naval capabilities with the public unveiling of its latest defense innovation: the KSOT‑008 autonomous submarine, developed by state-owned PT PAL Indonesia. The unveiling took place during the 80th anniversary parade of the Indonesian Armed Forces on October 5, highlighting domestic progress in underwater defense technology. The KSOT‑008 is designed as a multi-role underwater system, capable of conducting surveillance, threat detection, and attack missions without onboard crew. According to PT PAL Indonesia, the platform represents a balance between operational capability and cost-effective autonomous maritime defense. Specifications and Capabilities The KSOT‑008 comes in three variants: a surveillance model, a one-way kamikaze-style attack version, and a torpedo‑armed variant capable of carrying multiple Six Shark heavyweight torpedoes. Its key specifications include: Displacement / Size: ~37.3 tons, length 15 meters, beam 2.2 meters, draught 1.85 meters. Speed: Maximum 20 knots (≈37 km/h or 23 mph). Endurance: Can remain submerged for up to 72 hours. Remote Control Range: Operable from up to 200 miles (≈320 km) away via mobile command centers using radio or satellite communication. Navigation: High-precision systems enabling safe operation in complex maritime environments. According to Kaharuddin Djenod, CEO of PT PAL Indonesia, “The KSOT is not just a technological achievement; it is a maritime defense solution with direct benefits for the people. It stands alongside other top defense products as a symbol of trust and national pride in locally made military equipment.” Global Context: Unmanned Submarine Developments Indonesia joins a small but growing list of nations developing unmanned or autonomous underwater vehicles (UUVs) with potential armed capabilities. United Kingdom: The Royal Navy is developing the Excalibur XLUUV, a 12-meter, 17–19 ton autonomous platform for surveillance and intelligence gathering. Payload capacity is modular, though it is currently oriented toward non-lethal operations. China: AJX-002 XLUUV, approximately 18–20 meters long, torpedo-equipped, designed for reconnaissance, surveillance, and strike missions. China also Developing XXLUUV or Ultra-Large unmanned or autonomous underwater vehicles With 40 to 42 Meters Long USA: Orca XLUUV, approximately 26 meters long, payload-capable (specific armament classified), designed for long-range autonomous missions and launch/recovery from submarine torpedo tubes. Israel: BlueWhale UUV, approximately 10.9 meters long, unarmed, designed for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance. Taiwan: Huilong UUV, approximately 30 meters long, equipped with torpedo tubes for surveillance and potential offensive strike missions. Australia: Ghost Shark XLUUV, approximately 18 meters long, armament details classified, designed for ISR and potential strike operations. India: Unmanned Submarine (under development), approximately 16 meters long with 10-ton payload capacity, potentially carrying two 533 mm torpedo tubes and mine-laying systems for surveillance, reconnaissance, and strike missions. Compared with these programs, KSOT‑008 is notable for its combination of moderate size, multi-role capability, torpedo armament, and remote operation range, positioning it as one of the more advanced autonomous submarine systems publicly unveiled. Strategic Significance The development of KSOT‑008 reflects Indonesia’s ambition to strengthen its maritime security in a region where control of strategic waterways and surveillance of littoral zones is increasingly important. By investing in domestic engineering, Indonesia is reducing dependence on foreign technology and building indigenous defense expertise. While the KSOT‑008 represents a technological milestone, experts note that operational challenges remain, including communication reliability, underwater navigation under real-world conditions, and integration of weapons systems. Nevertheless, the unveiling signals Indonesia’s commitment to joining the global trend of autonomous and unmanned maritime systems. As unmanned systems become a central component of naval strategy, platforms like KSOT‑008 could play a critical role in surveillance, deterrence, and defense operations, complementing traditional crewed vessels in the region.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 14:38:00
India
India has extended its latest Notice to Airmen (NOTAM) to a range of 3,500 kilometres for a possible missile test scheduled between October 15 and 17 in the Bay of Bengal, sparking widespread speculation that a new generation of long-range missile technology may be under trial. Earlier versions of the NOTAM reportedly covered 1,480 km, then were revised to 2,500 km, and now to the 3,500 km corridor. This progressive increase in range has drawn attention among analysts to the nature of the missile(s) that might be tested, the trajectory and safety corridors involved, and India’s strategic intentions. The notified area aligns with India’s established missile testing corridor, originating from Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam Island off the Odisha coast and extending deep into the southern Indian Ocean. This vast stretch is routinely used by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) for testing India’s long-range strategic and experimental missile systems, ensuring that flight paths remain clear of civilian air and maritime traffic. The gradual expansion of the NOTAM range has led defence analysts to believe that India may be preparing to test either an improved variant of the Agni series missile or a hypersonic glide vehicle under development. Both possibilities align with India’s ongoing efforts to enhance its strategic deterrence capabilities and adopt cutting-edge propulsion, guidance, and re-entry technologies. The Agni series, which forms the backbone of India’s nuclear deterrent, has evolved significantly over the past decade. The most recent variant, Agni-V, has a range of over 5,000 km and features composite motor casings and advanced navigation systems. A new version under testing could integrate MIRV (Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicle) technology or advanced maneuverable reentry vehicles capable of evading modern missile defence systems. Alternatively, experts point to the possibility of a hypersonic test, as India has been developing systems capable of speeds exceeding Mach 5 under its long-term hypersonic weapons program. A boost-glide vehicle, launched atop a ballistic booster, could travel thousands of kilometres while gliding at hypersonic speeds — making detection and interception extremely difficult. The extended NOTAM corridor, covering a trajectory of 3,500 km into the southern seas, fits the profile of such a test. While Indian authorities have not made any official announcement, the issuance of multiple NOTAMs in short succession indicates that preparations are at an advanced stage. The Indian Navy typically deploys ships in designated impact zones in the southern Indian Ocean to track reentry or terminal phase data during such missions, further reinforcing the likelihood of an imminent test. If confirmed, this would mark one of India’s most significant missile trials in recent years, showcasing its steady progress toward next-generation technologies in both strategic deterrence and hypersonic flight. It also comes amid a period of heightened global competition in advanced missile development, with major powers like the United States, China, and Russia already fielding or testing hypersonic systems. The upcoming test window between October 15 and 17 will therefore be closely watched by defence observers worldwide. Whether the launch involves a modified Agni platform or a new hypersonic glide missile, India appears poised to demonstrate yet another leap in its long-range strike and technological capabilities.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 11:07:16
World
The United States has dismissed recent media reports claiming that Pakistan is set to receive AIM-120C-8/D-3 Missile ,with range 130–160+ km, under a revised defence contract. The clarification, issued by the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, makes clear that the latest contract modification only concerns sustainment and spare-parts support for previously supplied systems, and does not involve the transfer of new missiles or any enhancement of Pakistan’s air combat capabilities. According to the embassy statement, the U.S. Department of War’s announcement on September 30 referred to an amendment to an existing Foreign Military Sales (FMS) contract. The modification, valued at around USD 41 million, was awarded to Raytheon Technologies, headquartered in Tucson, Arizona. The updated contract expands the total value of Raytheon’s AMRAAM production and sustainment program to over USD 2.5 billion and includes multiple allied and partner nations such as the United Kingdom, Germany, Israel, Australia, Japan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, Türkiye, and Pakistan. The embassy emphasized that Pakistan’s inclusion in the contract list is limited to sustainment and maintenance support services for its existing systems. “Contrary to false media reports, no part of this contract modification involves new AMRAAM deliveries to Pakistan,” the statement clarified. Misreporting and Context The misunderstanding appears to have stemmed from Pakistan’s mention in the official Pentagon announcement, which some media outlets interpreted as an indication of renewed missile supplies. Pakistani daily Dawn and other regional publications suggested that the updated agreement could signal a possible resumption of U.S. arms sales to Islamabad after years of restrictions. The speculation gained attention as it followed recent diplomatic interactions between Washington and Islamabad, including Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Army Chief General Asim Munir’s meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump in September. The timing led to assumptions of deeper defence cooperation. However, U.S. officials have now clarified that the current update is purely administrative and technical, meant to support previously delivered systems under the existing FMS framework. Historical Background Pakistan originally received approximately 700 AIM-120 AMRAAM missiles in 2007 as part of its F-16 fighter modernization program — at the time, one of the largest international acquisitions of the missile. These missiles remain the core of Pakistan’s beyond-visual-range (BVR) air combat inventory. However, in the years following the decline in U.S.–Pakistan defence cooperation, Washington refrained from authorizing any new AMRAAM sales or upgrades. Restrictions were maintained due to concerns over technology transfer and regional security sensitivities, particularly in South Asia. Strategic Implications By reaffirming that the latest amendment involves no new deliveries or capability enhancements, the U.S. has sought to dispel speculation about any expansion of Pakistan’s air combat capacity. The clarification also reflects Washington’s continued adherence to export control norms and transparency obligations in sensitive regions. Defence analysts note that such sustainment contracts are standard practice under long-term military supply arrangements, allowing recipient nations to maintain operational readiness of existing assets without adding new capabilities. The updated Raytheon contract, scheduled for completion by May 2030, will therefore continue providing logistical and technical support to multiple U.S. partners — including Pakistan — without altering the strategic balance in South Asia. In essence, the U.S. statement underscores that Pakistan’s participation in the latest FMS amendment is routine maintenance support, not a step toward renewed weapons transfers or new missile production. The clarification aims to correct misinterpretations and ensure transparency amid heightened regional sensitivities over defence cooperation and missile technology.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 10:53:41
World
Taipei, October 10, 2025 — On Taiwan’s National Day, President Lai Ching-te gave a firm signal of intent: the government will accelerate development of a new, multi-layered air defence shield, dubbed T-Dome, aiming to strengthen the island’s ability to detect and intercept incoming threats. Simultaneously, Taiwan pledged to raise its defence spending significantly — part of a broader pivot toward self-reliance amid mounting pressure from China and evolving U.S. expectations. What is T-Dome? “T-Dome” is President Lai’s name for a planned integrated air-defence architecture intended to improve Taiwan’s ability to counter missiles, drones, aircraft, and other airborne threats. Key features, as explained in his address: It will be multi-layered, incorporating detection, monitoring, and interception at different altitudes and ranges. It will use “high-level detection” plus effective interception. The goal is to create a more rigorous defensive network, giving Taiwan better ability to respond to aerial incursions. Because full technical details have not yet been published, several aspects remain under development, but public reporting suggests T-Dome could serve as an umbrella system integrating existing and future sensors, missiles, radars, and command-and-control infrastructure. Some observers have drawn parallels with Israel’s Iron Dome or other layered missile-defence architectures, reflecting an intent to shift from disparate systems toward more networked and responsive coverage. Defence-Spending Commitments & Budget Trends Lai’s announcement comes together with concrete adjustments to Taiwan’s defence budget: For 2026, Taiwan plans defence expenditure of NT$949.5 billion (~US$31 billion), representing 3.32 percent of GDP. This marks the first time Taiwan’s total defence spending (including some new areas) will exceed the 3 percent-of-GDP threshold since 2009. Lai reaffirmed a target to raise defence spending further — aiming for 5 percent of GDP by 2030. His remarks also referenced “special defence budget proposals” to support upgrades in fighter jets, naval defences, and likely new systems under initiatives like T-Dome. It could exceed that (US$10-15+ billion) if Taiwan aims for very high capabilities (e.g. sophisticated missile defense similar in ambition to Iron Dome + higher altitude / longer range interceptors + full domestic production + resilience, backups, etc.). The increase represents both an acknowledgment that Taiwan must rely more on its own defence capacity, and a response to diplomatic pressure — notably from the U.S. — for partners to assume greater responsibility for their security in the Indo-Pacific. Strategic Implications and Challenges While President Lai’s announcement is ambitious, several underlying factors will determine whether the T-Dome system becomes a credible and effective deterrent in practice. One of the most immediate challenges lies in integrating existing air-defence assets with the new architecture. Taiwan already operates a range of systems, including the U.S.-supplied Patriot missile batteries and its domestically developed “Sky Bow” series. To succeed, T-Dome must connect these legacy systems with new generations of sensors, radars, interceptors, and a unified command-and-control network that can operate seamlessly in real time. Achieving such interoperability requires both advanced software integration and extensive testing to ensure reliability under wartime conditions. A second area of focus is Taiwan’s domestic defence-industrial capacity. President Lai has highlighted the need to strengthen local manufacturing and supply chains to reduce dependence on foreign procurement. This shift toward greater self-reliance represents a major strategic adjustment, but it also brings substantial challenges. Building complex missile and radar systems in-house demands long-term investment, advanced engineering skills, and a stable industrial ecosystem — all of which take years to mature. Equally important is the question of budgetary sustainability. Lai’s pledge to raise defence spending to five percent of GDP by 2030 marks a historic increase, but it will place new pressure on Taiwan’s fiscal priorities. Balancing national security commitments with the funding needs of healthcare, infrastructure, and education will likely become a central political issue. Furthermore, maintaining such spending levels over multiple years will require broad public and legislative support. The credibility of deterrence also depends on operational readiness. Building the T-Dome framework on paper is only the first step; its effectiveness will depend on how quickly Taiwan can deploy, train, and maintain it under real-world conditions. Regular exercises, simulation drills, and cybersecurity hardening will be essential to ensure that the system functions reliably even under sustained pressure or electronic interference. The regional response will further shape outcomes. Beijing is expected to view the T-Dome initiative as provocative, consistent with its opposition to any move it perceives as enhancing Taiwan’s defensive autonomy. In previous years, similar defence announcements were followed by Chinese military exercises encircling the island. Even if an immediate response is muted, such developments contribute to a steady rise in cross-strait tension and regional instability. Finally, Taiwan’s progress will continue to depend on international partnerships, particularly with the United States. Despite a renewed push for indigenous capability, the island still relies heavily on U.S. and allied support for technology transfers, spare parts, and training. Any policy shift in Washington or a disruption in supply chains could slow down implementation of T-Dome or limit its effectiveness.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 10:43:57
World
Since independence in 1971, Qatar has been repeatedly accused — by US and European agencies, Gulf neighbours, and some think-tanks — of providing refuge, channels, or permissive conditions for financers and political operatives linked to extremist groups (notably elements connected to al-Qa`ida affiliates, Hamas and some Syria-linked militants). The strongest, verifiable actions against Qatar-based individuals came in the 2010s (notably U.S. Treasury/OFAC designations in December 2013). Regional crisis points (notably the 2017 Gulf blockade) and Qatar’s role as a mediator/host (Doha talks with the Taliban; hosting Hamas political leaders) have kept these questions prominent. At the same time, Qatar has signed counter-terrorism agreements and joined UN counter-terrorism initiatives — and Qatari authorities strongly contest state-sponsorship claims, arguing many problematic flows were the work of private donors and charities rather than official policy. Key, well-documented milestones and allegations 1990s–early 2000s — charities and private donors flagged Investigations and testimony after 9/11 and during the 1990s–2000s documented that some Qatar-based charities and private donors were used to channel funds to militants (al-Qa`ida‐linked recipients and fighters in Afghanistan/Chechnya). Several reporting and tribunal records tie certain Qatar charities and individuals to past fundraising networks. These allegations have been repeated in academic and governmental reviews. 2011–2012 — Libya and Syria (material & political support through intermediaries) During the 2011 Libya conflict and in Syria thereafter, Qatar provided political, logistical and (by some accounts) materiel/financial support to selected rebel groups. Some of those groups later had links — via personnel or ideology — to extremist networks, prompting concerns about how Gulf aid can be diverted or flow to hardline factions. Scholarly and investigative reports document these flows and the practical difficulties of oversight in conflict zones. 2012–2015 — Gaza/Hamas funding & reconstruction pledges Qatar has been a major funder of Gaza reconstruction and welfare programmes and has provided political support to Hamas’ political leadership (based in Doha). Public pledges and transfers for Gaza reconstruction and humanitarian support (including multi-hundred-million dollar commitments at donor conferences) are well documented — these are often framed by Doha as humanitarian or stabilisation assistance, but critics argue they indirectly sustain Hamas’ governing capacity. (Examples documented around 2012–2015 reconstruction pledges). 18 December 2013 — U.S. Treasury / OFAC designations (hard evidence of financiers based in Qatar) The U.S. Department of the Treasury designated Abd al-Rahman al-Nuaimi and others as Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGTs), stating they were “Qatar-based” financiers who provided money and material support to al-Qa`ida affiliates (Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia) for over a decade. That action is a concrete, public, government designation linking named Qatari-based actors to terror financing. 2014–2017 — Congressional hearings, European reports, and mounting regional accusations US Congress hearings (2014) and EU/Parliamentary inquiries flagged that some Qatari citizens and Qatar-based entities were involved in financing extremists in Syria and elsewhere. European parliamentary documents and UK committee evidence discuss Qatar’s permissive environment for some financiers and charities. Those findings contributed to diplomatic tensions with other Gulf states. June 2017 — Gulf diplomatic crisis and the “13 demands” Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and Egypt severed ties and issued a list of demands that included cutting alleged links to terrorist groups (Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, certain Syria groups). The crisis publicly crystallised regional concerns about Qatari links to Islamist actors; Qatar denied state support for terrorism and the dispute ended officially in 2021, but it highlighted the diplomatic cost of these allegations. 2017–2021 — counter-terrorism cooperation and reforms (Qatar’s response) In response to pressure, Qatar signed memoranda/agreements with the U.S. and engaged in international counter-terrorism capacity-building, including participation in UN counter-terrorism programmes and reforms to its financial supervision. Qatar points to these steps as evidence it is combating illicit finance. Independent observers note progress but also underscore enforcement gaps, especially versus private donor networks. Doha as mediator & host — Taliban, Hamas, and diplomatic complexity (2013–present) Doha hosted Taliban political offices and became the venue for Afghan negotiations; it also hosts senior Hamas political figures who engage in diplomacy and mediation. Hosting such actors has made Qatar an important diplomatic intermediary — but it also fuels accusations that safe-havening leadership facilitates fundraising and logistical support for the groups’ external networks. Analysts stress the distinction between hosting negotiators for diplomacy and actively sponsoring militant activity — a distinction Doha emphasises. 2023–2025 — renewed scrutiny amid Gaza war and Israeli accusations Following large-scale violence in Gaza and regional tensions, Israel and others publicly accused Qatar of serving as a financial hub for Hamas. Qatar and Western interlocutors point to its mediation role and humanitarian transfers; critics argue some funds and facilitation benefit militant structures. Recent reporting (2025) records high diplomatic tension after incidents involving Hamas leaders abroad. Qatar’s Role in Hosting Extremist Leaders and Financiers Over the past two decades, Qatar has often found itself at the center of international scrutiny for allegedly hosting or tolerating the activities of terrorist organizations and their leaders, even as it maintains strong diplomatic ties with Western powers. While Qatar insists that such relationships are part of its mediation efforts and conflict-resolution diplomacy, multiple international reports, U.S. Treasury sanctions, and intelligence assessments suggest that Doha has served as a base of operations or safe haven for several high-profile extremist figures and financiers. Overview of key organizations and individuals publicly linked to Qatar’s territory and financial networks: Hamas (Political Bureau) — Senior leaders of the Palestinian group Hamas, including Khaled Meshaal and other top officials, have long been based in Doha, where they are allowed to live and operate openly. These figures manage political activities, media operations, and external fundraising from Qatar. The Qatari government maintains that its relationship with Hamas is purely political, aimed at facilitating ceasefires and humanitarian aid to Gaza. However, critics argue that Qatar’s continued financial assistance for Gaza reconstruction, amounting to hundreds of millions of dollars, indirectly sustains Hamas’ governance and influence. Taliban (Political Office and Leadership) — Since the early 2010s, the Afghan Taliban has maintained an official political office in Doha, where senior representatives negotiated directly with the United States and other international actors. Qatar positioned itself as a neutral mediator, hosting peace talks that eventually led to the 2020 U.S.–Taliban Agreement. Nonetheless, several Western and Afghan officials have expressed concern that the Doha office also provided legitimacy and global access to the Taliban leadership, even while fighting continued in Afghanistan. U.S.-Designated Terror Financiers Operating from Qatar — The U.S. Department of the Treasury has repeatedly named and sanctioned individuals based in Qatar for financing terrorism. Notably, Abd al-Rahman al-Nu’aymi, a Qatari national, was designated in December 2013 for allegedly transferring millions of dollars to al-Qa’ida affiliates in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Somalia. Another individual, ʿAbd al-Wahhab al-Humayqani, was accused of receiving funding through Qatar-linked networks. These designations represent official U.S. government findings that specific persons operating from Qatari soil provided direct material support to extremist organizations. Private Donors and Charitable Networks — A range of reports by Western governments and watchdog groups, including the Counter Extremism Project, have identified Qatari-based charities and private donors as major conduits of funds to militant groups across the Middle East, North Africa, and South Asia. Organizations such as the Qatar Charity and Eid Bin Mohammad Al Thani Foundation have been accused of financing hardline religious schools, militant-linked NGOs, and proselytization programs under the guise of humanitarian aid. While Qatar claims these are independent entities outside state control, analysts note that Doha’s regulatory oversight has historically been weak, allowing extremist networks to exploit these channels for fundraising and ideological influence. Qatar has consistently denied allegations of state-sponsored terrorism, insisting that it supports only legitimate resistance movements and humanitarian initiatives. Doha argues that hosting groups like Hamas and the Taliban allows it to act as a mediator between Western powers and non-state actors — a role acknowledged by both the United States and the United Nations in peace processes. Nonetheless, critics contend that Qatar’s dual role as both mediator and haven has blurred lines between diplomacy and complicity, giving extremist groups the comfort and visibility to operate “with no fear” on Qatari soil. Qatar Charities Linked to Religious Outreach Abroad There is no publicly verified evidence that the Qatari government itself has directly funded religious conversions in other countries; however, Qatar-based charities and wealthy private donors have been repeatedly accused of channeling money to organizations that promote religious outreach or ideological influence, particularly linked to Salafi or Islamist movements. Over the past two decades, several Qatar-funded charitable networks, such as the Qatar Charity and Sheikh Eid Bin Mohammad Al Thani Charitable Foundation, have supported large-scale religious, educational, and social projects in Asia, Africa, and parts of Europe. While many of these initiatives are framed as humanitarian or cultural programs, analysts and intelligence reports from Western and regional agencies have expressed concern that some funds may also be used to promote conservative interpretations of Islam and support conversion-linked activities through mosque-building, religious schools, and welfare outreach. Countries such as India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and several African nations have occasionally flagged such flows for ideological influence or proselytization under the cover of charity. These concerns center mainly on private or semi-official Qatari donations rather than direct state programs, and Qatar officially denies any role in financing forced or organized religious conversions. Qatar Links to Extremist Finance in Asia (High-Level Patterns) Afghanistan / Taliban: Qatar hosted Taliban political delegations in Doha, facilitating talks and negotiations with international actors. This role included arrangements for aid and financial transfers to Afghan communities, with Gulf funding (both state and private) sometimes channelled through Qatar as an intermediary. Oversight questions persist regarding the ultimate use of these funds. Pakistan / South Asia: Investigations into transnational donor networks have repeatedly identified wealthy Gulf donors, including some Qatari nationals, and charities that channeled funds across South Asia during the 2000s–2010s. In many cases, these were private actors rather than direct state transfers, raising concerns about funds reaching militant-linked groups. Southeast Asia: International monitoring of charitable flows has occasionally found that donations passing through Gulf charities reached fighters or extremist causes in regions with weak oversight. These funds were often sent via private donors or charities rather than being directly traceable to the Qatari government. India: Qatar-based charities and private donors have been reported to fund organizations or religious institutions in India, including madrassas and social welfare networks, that have sometimes been linked to ideological influence or extremist activities. These flows are largely traced to private donors or semi-official charities, rather than direct Qatari state funding, and have been flagged by Indian authorities for monitoring and regulation. Qatar’s Influence and Links in European Nation While there is no public evidence that the Qatari state officially mandates religious imposition in Europe, multiple reports and investigations have highlighted the role of Qatar-based charities, private donors, and educational institutions in promoting Islamic education, community outreach, and the spread of conservative interpretations of Islam in several European countries. Critics argue that these efforts sometimes intersect with political activism, advocacy for Sharia-compliant practices, and efforts to influence Muslim populations in host nations. United Kingdom: Several Qatar-funded organizations and mosques have been accused of promoting conservative Islamic teachings and advocating for Sharia-compliant practices within communities. While officially framed as educational or cultural activities, some campaigns have stirred debates over religious integration, halal regulations, and Islamic schools. Reports have occasionally suggested that Qatar-linked funding indirectly supports organizations that lobby for the incorporation of Sharia principles in community or family law discussions. Germany: Investigative reporting has flagged Qatar-linked charities and foundations that fund mosques and Islamic educational programs in Germany. These programs have sometimes been criticized for encouraging strict interpretations of Islam among youth or promoting segregated community spaces, leading to social and political debates about integration and radicalization. France, Netherlands, and other European nations: Qatar-based foundations and donors have sponsored Islamic centers, mosques, and religious schools. While much of the funding is for legitimate cultural and educational purposes, European intelligence agencies have occasionally noted that some funds reach networks that advocate for Sharia-based schooling, religious instruction, or community governance. This has contributed to concerns over the influence of foreign funding in shaping religious identity among European Muslim populations. Population influence concerns: Analysts in Europe have expressed apprehension that targeted educational and community programs funded by Gulf donors, including Qatar-based entities, may indirectly aim to strengthen conservative Muslim communities, preserve religious identity, and increase participation in Islamic institutions. While allegations of deliberately increasing Muslim population through conversion are not substantiated, promotion of religious adherence and separate community structures has been a recurring point of scrutiny. Qatar consistently states that its funding is humanitarian, educational, or cultural in nature. Most of the European concerns relate to private donors and charitable foundations operating under Qatari patronage rather than direct state policy. Independent oversight has sometimes flagged a lack of transparency in funding flows, which allows influence over community institutions without explicit government directives. Important caveats, open questions, and what “direct vs indirect” usually means in this literature State vs private donors/charities: Much of the academic and governmental literature stresses a distinction: private Qatari donors and some charities (historically) funded militant actors — but proving direct, central-government sponsorship is harder and contested. The U.S. Treasury’s SDGT designations target individuals/entities, not necessarily proving Qatari state policy. Dual roles — hosting + mediation: Hosting political wings (Hamas in Doha; Taliban delegations) serves diplomacy but can also allow those groups to maintain external fundraising/communications channels. Whether that amounts to state sponsorship depends on specific activities and intent — and is often disputed. Reforms and cooperation: Qatar has signed counter-terrorism financing pacts, joined UN programmes, and taken steps to improve financial oversight since the mid-2010s — yet independent observers still flag enforcement gaps and difficulties rooting out private donor networks. Since Qatar's independence in 1971, the Middle East and broader global landscape have witnessed a significant rise in terrorist activities, with Qatar's involvement—both direct and indirect—being a subject of international scrutiny. In the years following its independence, Qatar's geopolitical strategy involved supporting various Islamist factions, including Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, through financial aid and hosting key leaders. For instance, Qatar has been a major financial supporter of Hamas, transferring over $1.8 billion to the group over the years, with $30 million transferred monthly in consultation with U.S. and Israeli governments between 2018 and 2023 . Additionally, Qatar Charity, a prominent Qatari NGO, has been involved in funding Islamic centers across Europe, with reports indicating that between 2004 and 2019, Qatar distributed over €770 million in the form of humanitarian aid to 288 organizations, some of which have been labeled as radical . Furthermore, Qatar's support for the Muslim Brotherhood has been well-documented, with the country playing a significant role in financing Islamist groups in Europe, particularly through its Qatar Charity NGO . While Qatar has made efforts to combat terrorism financing, including the enactment of the Anti-Terrorism Financing and Money Laundering Law in 2019 , concerns persist regarding the effectiveness of these measures and the ongoing financial support to groups designated as terrorist organizations.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 10:24:52
World
As the United Kingdom’s Carrier Strike Group (CSG), led by HMS Prince of Wales, docked in Mumbai this week as part of its Indo-Pacific mission, a significant announcement emerged — Rolls-Royce expressed readiness to partner with the Indian Navy in designing and developing India’s first electric warship. The initiative marks a major stride in India’s vision to adopt cleaner, energy-efficient, and future-ready naval technologies. What Is an Electric Warship? An electric warship is a next-generation naval vessel that uses electric propulsion instead of traditional mechanical drive systems powered solely by gas turbines or diesel engines. In a conventional warship, turbines generate mechanical power that directly drives the propellers. In contrast, an electric warship converts that energy into electrical power, which is then distributed to electric motors for propulsion and onboard systems. This technology transforms a warship into a “floating power station,” capable of intelligently managing energy between propulsion, weapons, sensors, and life-support systems. The result is quieter operation, reduced fuel consumption, and greater flexibility for integrating advanced systems like directed-energy weapons, railguns, and high-power radars — all of which demand immense electrical power. How It Differs from Current Warships Current Indian Navy vessels primarily rely on gas turbine-diesel hybrid systems, where engines mechanically drive the shafts. These systems are robust but often fuel-intensive, maintenance-heavy, and limited in power distribution flexibility. Electric or Integrated Full Electric Propulsion (IFEP) systems, on the other hand, decouple the mechanical drive and use generators to power both the ship’s propulsion and its onboard electrical network. This offers: Improved energy efficiency, as power can be allocated where it’s needed most. Enhanced stealth, since electric propulsion produces less noise — crucial for anti-submarine warfare. Lower carbon footprint, aligning with global sustainability goals. Simplified architecture, allowing more space for advanced electronics, automation, and modular weapon systems. Rolls-Royce’s Expertise and Offer Speaking on the sidelines of the HMS Prince of Wales visit, Abhishek Singh, Senior Vice President for India and Southeast Asia (Defence) at Rolls-Royce, highlighted that the company’s long-standing expertise in hybrid-electric and full-electric propulsion systems makes it a natural fit for India’s upcoming naval programmes. “Rolls-Royce is well-positioned to support India’s naval modernisation with the right mix of products, expertise, and experience in delivering integrated hybrid-electric and full-electric propulsion systems,” Singh said. At the core of this expertise lies the MT30 marine gas turbine, considered one of the world’s most powerful and efficient naval engines. The MT30 already powers the Royal Navy’s Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carriers, the U.S. Navy’s Zumwalt-class destroyers, and the Italian Navy’s Cavour-class carriers. With its power density of 36 MW per turbine, it can generate enough energy to sustain both propulsion and advanced weapons simultaneously. Deepening UK–India Naval Collaboration The arrival of HMS Prince of Wales in Mumbai has symbolized growing maritime engagement between the two countries. The ship itself is powered by Rolls-Royce’s MT30 gas turbines, working in tandem with diesel generators to deliver an astonishing 109 MW of total power output — equivalent to powering a small city. Alex Zino, Director of Business Development and Future Programmes (UK and International) at Rolls-Royce, called the visit “a timely opportunity to demonstrate the scale and sophistication of the UK’s maritime power.” He added, “We’re proud to play a key role in powering the Carrier Strike Group. This visit gives Indian defence stakeholders an up-close view of our world-class propulsion systems — the kind that can extend the operational reach and resilience of the Indian Navy.” A Vision for a Greener Fleet India’s Naval Design Bureau (NDB) has already begun exploring next-generation ship architectures under its self-reliance programme, aiming to blend indigenous shipbuilding with sustainable technologies. Rolls-Royce’s participation could accelerate this transition, combining British marine innovation with India’s Make-in-India manufacturing drive. Zino also reaffirmed that Rolls-Royce is expanding its supply chain, advanced manufacturing, and defence engineering presence in India, with the intent to make India a major node in its global operations.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 09:26:11
World
The recent Pakistani airstrikes on Kabul have sharply escalated tensions between Islamabad and the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan, marking one of the most serious cross-border confrontations since the Taliban’s return to power in 2021. While both nations have long shared a complex and often uneasy relationship, this latest development signals a new level of military friction—one that could destabilize an already fragile region. According to reports from Kabul, an explosion was heard in the capital late Thursday evening, though no casualties or structural damage were officially confirmed. Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid reassured residents that the situation was under control, stating that “it is all well and good” and that investigations were underway to determine the cause of the blast. However, several diplomatic observers and regional analysts suggest that the explosion was linked to Pakistani airstrikes, reportedly targeting militants believed to be operating from within Afghan territory. Islamabad’s actions appear to be a direct response to a series of attacks carried out by the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) — a group that Islamabad claims finds safe haven inside Afghanistan under Taliban protection. Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif, addressing the National Assembly, made a clear statement of intent, saying that “collateral damage cannot be ruled out if Pakistani security forces come under attack,” adding that “enough is enough.” His remarks reflect growing frustration within Pakistan’s military and political circles over repeated cross-border assaults attributed to the TTP, which has intensified its operations over the past year. A Cycle of Accusations The situation is further complicated by mutual accusations from both sides. Islamabad accuses Kabul of harboring TTP militants, while Afghan officials claim that Pakistan supports certain ISIS factions and Baluch insurgents for its own strategic goals. The blurred lines between these armed groups make it difficult to separate reality from perception, and both nations often rely on intelligence assessments that reinforce their existing distrust. Former U.S. envoy to Afghanistan, Zalmay Khalilzad, reacted strongly to the strikes, calling them a “huge escalation” with “dangerous risks.” In a post on X, Khalilzad emphasized that military escalation was not the answer, urging dialogue between Kabul and Islamabad to address the issue of terrorist sanctuaries on both sides of the Durand Line, the disputed border separating the two countries.He noted, “The Pakistanis have been recklessly backing ISIS operatives against Afghanistan and their own Baluch nationalist insurgency. The Afghans, in turn, have been permissive towards the TTP. Military escalation is unlikely to work and will increase death and destruction in both countries.” Timing and Political Context The timing of the airstrikes is notable. Just days before the attack, Afghanistan’s acting Foreign Minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi, arrived in New Delhi on a week-long visit — the first high-level Taliban delegation to India since 2021. Analysts have pointed out that the strikes might carry a political message, serving as strategic signaling by Islamabad amid shifting regional alignments and increased Indian diplomatic engagement with the Taliban administration. Pakistan has long viewed Afghanistan through the lens of security and strategic depth, particularly regarding India’s influence. The renewed contact between New Delhi and Kabul may have added pressure on Islamabad to reassert its influence in the region, even as internal instability and economic challenges weigh heavily on Pakistan’s domestic situation. Risks of Escalation While neither country appears eager for full-scale confrontation, the risk of miscalculation is high. The border between the two countries remains porous and poorly demarcated, and even limited air or artillery strikes can easily spiral into wider conflict. Pakistan’s security establishment views the TTP as an existential threat, while the Taliban leadership — ideologically sympathetic but politically constrained — has struggled to control or expel the group’s fighters. For now, the official tone from Kabul remains cautious, with no confirmation of casualties or retaliatory intentions. However, if civilian harm is later reported, public anger within Afghanistan could push the Taliban to respond militarily or politically, further worsening bilateral ties.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-10 09:14:41
World
Most Republican senators attended a closed-door briefing this week organized by Senator Rick Scott, focusing on Qatar’s influence and its alleged funding of jihadist movements. The session presented intelligence findings on Qatar’s financial and political activities in the Middle East, leading several lawmakers to discuss possible steps to press the Trump administration for a stronger policy response. According to officials familiar with the discussion, the briefing highlighted reports that Qatar has maintained connections with certain Islamist groups while continuing to serve as a key U.S. security partner. The meeting reviewed evidence suggesting that funds from Qatari entities may have reached organizations designated as extremist or militant by Western governments. Senator Rick Scott has been vocal about reassessing U.S. relationships with countries accused of supporting or tolerating extremist networks. Following the session, a number of Republican lawmakers reportedly raised the issue of applying diplomatic pressure or considering targeted sanctions if the information presented is verified. Qatar’s government has consistently denied any support for terrorism, stating that its involvement with groups such as Hamas or the Taliban is based on mediation and diplomacy, not ideology. Officials in Doha emphasize that the country has introduced laws to combat terror financing and that it cooperates with international partners on counterterrorism measures. However, U.S. analysts and officials have long debated Qatar’s dual role — as the host of Al Udeid Air Base, a major U.S. military installation, and as a country accused of maintaining political ties with Islamist movements. Some congressional reports and intelligence assessments have cited concerns that enforcement of financial regulations in Qatar remains uneven. The renewed attention among GOP senators marks a continuation of earlier criticism in Washington over Qatar’s foreign influence, including its funding of think tanks, media outlets, and universities. Lawmakers are now reportedly exploring options for greater transparency requirements on foreign entities operating in the United States and a review of lobbying activities linked to Qatari interests. Within the Senate, the discussion after the briefing focused on assessing how Qatar’s policies align with U.S. regional objectives. Some members suggested a formal investigation into foreign funding networks, while others emphasized maintaining stability in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) given its strategic importance to the U.S. The Trump administration has not issued a statement on the matter, but officials are expected to review the concerns raised. Any change in policy could affect U.S.–Qatar relations, particularly in defense cooperation and joint counterterrorism operations. For Qatar, the latest scrutiny reflects a broader pattern of congressional concern about the role of Gulf states in regional conflicts and financing networks. Whether this leads to new policy measures or legislative action will depend on the findings that emerge from further reviews within Congress and the administration.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-09 16:42:33
India
The Indian Army has taken a major step toward strengthening its airspace security by initiating the procurement of the indigenous SAKSHAM Counter-Unmanned Aerial System (C-UAS) Grid, a next-generation defense network capable of detecting, tracking, identifying, and neutralizing hostile drones. This indigenous solution marks a key milestone in India’s efforts to build a comprehensive anti-drone architecture across sensitive military zones and strategic installations. The SAKSHAM system, short for Situational Awareness for Kinetic, Soft and Hard Kill Assets Management, is designed as a grid-based, AI-assisted command and control system. It connects multiple radar, electro-optical, and radio frequency sensors into one unified digital map that continuously scans the skies for incoming aerial threats. Once detected, the system automatically classifies drones based on their flight pattern, speed, and electromagnetic signature, and instantly recommends the most effective countermeasure — whether it is jamming, spoofing, or a kinetic strike. Technically, SAKSHAM covers a wide detection envelope — from low-flying quadcopters hovering near border posts to high-altitude reconnaissance drones operating several kilometers away. The system’s modular design allows it to integrate with different sensors and countermeasures, including both soft-kill and hard-kill technologies. It can connect to jammers, electronic warfare suites, and even ground-based interceptors or anti-drone guns. Its GIS-based interface provides real-time battlefield visualisation to commanders, helping them make rapid tactical decisions and coordinate responses more effectively. What makes SAKSHAM unique is its automation and data fusion capability. Using artificial intelligence, the system correlates inputs from multiple sources, identifies potential drone swarms, and prioritises the most dangerous targets first. This level of automation is critical because modern conflicts increasingly involve saturation or swarm attacks, where dozens of drones may be launched simultaneously to overwhelm defenses. In such situations, human reaction time alone is not enough. SAKSHAM’s grid structure allows distributed nodes — radars, cameras, and jammers placed across a wide area — to communicate with each other, forming a networked shield that responds faster than traditional, stand-alone systems. In the context of drone swarm attacks, SAKSHAM is particularly valuable. Its integrated sensors can pick up multiple low-signature drones flying in coordinated patterns, while its decision engine rapidly assigns countermeasures in real time. Soft-kill options like radio jamming can disrupt large groups of drones at once, while hard-kill systems focus on those that break through. This layered approach ensures that even complex, multi-directional attacks can be contained with minimal reaction time. Beyond battlefield defense, the SAKSHAM Grid also has strategic implications for critical infrastructure protection. It can be deployed to secure airbases, ammunition depots, oil refineries, and communication hubs — areas increasingly vulnerable to drone intrusions. The system’s scalability allows it to expand from a single-site installation to a sector-wide defense network, making it adaptable to both static and mobile military environments. The development and procurement of SAKSHAM are part of India’s broader drive for self-reliant defense technologies. Rather than relying on imported counter-drone systems, the Indian Army is investing in indigenous innovation to ensure rapid upgrades, lower costs, and seamless integration with existing command networks. It also allows for the customization of the system to meet specific threats encountered along the Line of Control, international borders, and high-altitude posts where traditional air defense radars face operational limitations. Recent experiences from global conflicts — such as Ukraine, Syria, and the Caucasus — have shown how inexpensive drones can inflict significant damage on high-value targets. These lessons have accelerated India’s adoption of counter-drone technologies. The SAKSHAM Grid represents a shift from reactive defense to proactive airspace management, where drones are tracked and neutralized long before they can strike. In operational terms, the Indian Army is expected to deploy SAKSHAM in phased stages, beginning with high-priority zones before expanding to border sectors. Once integrated with the Army’s electronic warfare and air defense networks, SAKSHAM will provide a seamless “detect-to-destroy” capability that enhances situational awareness and reduces human workload in fast-changing combat scenarios. Ultimately, the SAKSHAM C-UAS Grid is not just a single system — it is a national framework for drone defense. Its modular and AI-driven design reflects the future of warfare, where real-time data fusion, automation, and indigenous innovation will define how effectively a country can safeguard its skies against the next generation of unmanned threats.
Read More → Posted on 2025-10-09 16:36:45Search
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